Feature Img
Buddha Statues burnt down to ashes in Guimarah of Ramgarh Upazilla under Khagrachari district, Chittagong Hill Tracts.
Buddha Statues burnt down to ashes in Guimarah of Ramgarh Upazilla under Khagrachari district, Chittagong Hill Tracts.

Water drenched, tropical sweat-soaked while celebrating Songkrant festival just north of Chiang Mai, Thailand, my phone started getting clogged with alarming news coming from the Chittagong Hill Tracts.

Another arson attack, another settler versus indigenous clash and henceforth more deaths, another authority-backed violent incident in our country, another media outcry that doesn’t tell all the stories.

The tension first escalated in Khagrachari district on 14 April between a group of Bangali settlers occupying and trying to plant crops on areas within the Marma Jumma’s ancestral lands. Some termed it ‘disputed’ land, in the case of which, both Marmas and Bangalis are to resist from plantation and Bangalis went ahead and broke the order. They set out large arson attacks and cleared forests, while crops and rations burnt. In retaliation, the Jummas sought help from the authorities, in vain. Communal attacks like this are nothing new in southeastern Bangladesh, and the fact that the Marma people, along with the greater indigenous community, could not even properly conclude their Sanghraing festival is no surprise either.

The traditional Shongkranti festival usually consists of three days. For the Chakma and Tanchangya, the 1st day is the day for Phul (flower) Bizu; the 2nd one is for the Mul (main) Bizu and the last day for the Gojyapojya (literally ‘rolling on the ground’ in fun and frolic) Bizu. Different communities celebrate the same fest at the same time: Chakmas call it Bizu, Tanchangyas call it Bishu, Tripuras call it Boishukh or Boishu, and Marmas call it Sanghraing. Thais call it Songkrant, while the Assamese call it Bihu. All are perhaps rooted in ‘Bishubo Shongkranti’, the constellation centring on ‘Bishubo’, heralding the end of a year and the beginning of another in South and Southeast Asian calendars.

Somewhat like in Thailand, the CHT peoples relate the event to cleansing of Buddha images, bathing of elders, offering of vegetarian food, traditional rice wine and rice beer. The Marmas — like Thais and Burmese — throw water at each other in festive gatherings, usually mocking battles between the two sexes. Buddhist monasteries throng with devotees — presenting robes, flowers and food offerings.

* * *

Meantime, at Jaliapara, Bangali settlers were allegedly stopping every vehicle and looking for indigenous people. First few news reports said, amongst others, that senior government official Jyoti Ranjan Chakma was taken off a bus there and severely beaten up. Reports from Manikchari said that almost all the houses of the indigenous people on both sides of the Chittagong-Khagrachari highway between Manickchari upazilla headquarters and Jaliapara were looted and most of the houses were burnt.

No violence is a strict rule of concern during these festivities and such were the ironic realities! In the spirit of goodwill, peace and respect, the Chakmas and Tanchangyas do not allow even eating meat during their open-house-for-all celebration, so as to symbolise washing away of all defilements. What a tragic twist of fate!

Debates set ablaze on blogs and other internet platforms. Most being sympathetic towards the gruesome chain of massacres on the very day of Bangla New Year — a similar calendar also followed in Myanmar, Thailand and Nepal. Others defended — that only after three Bengali settlers were killed on 17 April, allegedly by Jumma people — settlers looted surrounding indigenous villages and injured people, burning at least 60 homes — so as to justify their crimes.

Indigenous sources say they informed the local authorities, and of course the army, which has a heavy presence in the area of the settlers’ movements, but like all the other times, they failed or refused to act on the information. It was only then that they had to act, in defence of their lives and property, when the authorities had clearly failed or refused to act on their behalf.

All of the above, again — nothing new. A sense of a never-ending déjà vu.

* * *

Photos of Buddhist temples burning and Buddha statues smashed to the ground went around on facebook. Similar photos jammed the cyber in February 2011 in Longadu, in February 2010 in Baghaihat and August 2008 in Sajek. I couldn’t help but picture a parallel scenario. On 14th April, what would have happened if, while we were singing and celebrating Bangla Naba Barsha at Ramna Batamul, and in place of that Temple, a Mosque was burning in Dhaka? What would be the consequences had some indigenous people set fire to our praying space on our new year’s day?

Unidentified Jumma girl injured in the attack - photo taken at Jaliapara by a Marma police on 17 April 2011.
Unidentified Jumma girl injured in the attack - photo taken at Jaliapara by a Marma police on 17 April 2011.

In no form do I support acts of violence, whoever it is aimed against. I was taught as a child that destroying or disrespecting a mosque or any other praying space has unimaginable consequences, whether you believe in God or no God, sins, karma, heaven and hell, or consecutive incarnations! The karma of destroying Buddha statues — not once, twice or thrice, but many a times — shall come back thousand fold. Even though, in this case, karma does not seem to travel that fast — at least not for minorities or the most marginalised — in a Muslim majority country.

In that light, it is crucial to identify that time and again, we, the Bangalis, have been destroying and looting others’ prayer spaces, on top of the hideous genocide committed on our own people. Of course not all Bangalis are necessarily Muslims, and not all Bangalis — Muslim or of other or no spiritual belief or tradition — are necessarily settlers. Amongst settlers, there are the government-sponsored ones, and there are the settlers who are naturally migrated inhabitants of CHT. Not all settlers are the villains. Not all settlers are murderers. Not all settlers take advantage of the security forces’ courtesy of the government.

The sad problem that remains with our Bangali Nationhood is that 40 years down our Independence, we still have not been able to establish an ethnically neutral state. The concept of multicultural pluralism does not exist in our dictionary. Yet when international cricket matches take place, our international airport lobbies proudly boast pictures of colourful indigenous women happily working in the field, with convenient labels by the Bangladesh Tourism Board gallantly proclaiming “Smiling Indigenous Women of Bangladesh’’. Even after our honourable MPs deny issuance of their just recognition they have been screaming out loud for the last four decades, and refuse to call them ‘Adibashi.’

* * *

Survival International reported on 21st April that, “The army and police allegedly refused to allow a relief team, carrying supplies for the Jummas, to visit the affected areas. Mr. Rabi Shankar Talukder who was leading the relief team, said, ‘They want the victims to die without food and shelter’.” On April 23, CHTNews reported that the Deputy Commissioner of Khagrachari, Anisul Haq Bhuian, refused to allow relief materials to be distributed among Ramgarh victims, saying that “No unofficial relief activity can be carried out in the area.” On 21 April, Sukriti Jiban Chakma, a Jumma leader, called on Dipankar Talukder, State Minister of Chittagong Hill Tracts Affairs, while the latter was on a visit to Ramgarh, and raised the issue of relief distribution with him. The Minister told him that there was no restriction on distribution of relief to the victims by non-government organizations and ordered the DC and SP, who were present there, to provide necessary help in this regard. Yet, the DC continued to refuse any relief material distribution made by the Jumma organizations. This is clear violation of basic human rights and humanitarian norms.

If this is not the perfect example of systematic racial cleansing, then what is?


We urge our government to speed up its efforts into implementing the 1997 ‘Peace’ Accord that it had signed 14 years ago. No, there is probably no Nobel Peace prize or UNESCO Award guaranteed in exchange of that (PM Sheikh Hasina got a UNESCO Award for signing the 1997 Peace Accord), but maybe it will help gain back some of the respect and trust ordinary citizens had bestowed upon this government whose major component, the Awami League, had promised clearly in its 20-point election manifesto: to fully implement the CHT Peace Accord and to safeguard the rights of Adibashis and minorities groups.

More so, we demand a thorough, independent and impartial investigation done on the recent carnages. Several Jummas still remain missing, some thought to have fled into the jungle and some feared dead. As long as security forces are there in hundreds of temporary camps outside of the specified cantonments – they may continue to serve as nothing but direct ammunitions for intimidation and discrimination and a safe sense of home will elude the CHT. Therefore, the withdrawal of some 400 temporary army camps in the area, which has been allowing the advancement of Bangali settlers onto indigenous land, rather than preventing it, is mandatory.

The more time we allow for these conspiracies to thrive, the more damage we are doing as a State in whole to our combined entity. Violence in one area will almost inherently trigger revenge attacks elsewhere. Let us not, as a Nation, wait for that doomsday.

Wasfia Nazreen is a development practitioner, a multi-disciplinary researcher and a member of DRISHTIPAT Writers’ Collective.

24 Responses to “No god, no refuge, no New Year for the indigenous of Bangladesh”

  1. Maung Aye Khen

    The cultures of the indigenous and tribal people in Bangladesh have been historically marginalised and continue to face an unequal conflict with powerful external political and economic forces. In an overwhelming number of cases, there is a loss of cultural symbols in which lives are enmeshed. To compound this loss, the newer cultural symbols to which they are exposed to — television, advertising, consumerism, and so forth — give rise to a structure of meaning and values that further undermines social and cultural security. The challenge of today, for nations committed to cultural pluralism and political democracy, is to develop a setting that ensures that development is integrative and that there are best practice institutions built on genuine commitment to being inclusive. This means respect for value systems, for the traditional knowledge that indigenous people have their society and environment, and for their institutions in which culture is grounded. It means securing the rights of these people to their subsistence base and its produce, enforced by the state and by international law. It implies the adoption of educational systems that embody such respect, including the right to use their own language at different levels of schooling. It also means giving them full access to modern instruments of information, communication, technology and advice, and the right of these communities to decide their own priorities in peaceful co-operation with others. This project attempts to identify the obstacles and challenges in protecting and promoting indigenous peoples’ rights at local, national and international levels. Bangladesh has inherited several rich, effective, popular and powerful forms of indigenous traditional performing arts that include various types of traditional music. Traditional performing, indigenous culture and arts, which constitute part of rich cultural heritage of Bangladesh, are now subjected to threat of extinction, mostly due to dominance by modern-day performing arts disseminated by electronic media. Rural people who once loved and enjoyed the traditional performing arts have now turned their faces towards electronic media, especially television. Livelihood of the folk artists mostly depends on the voluntary contribution of the community members. In the absence of government support and community patronisation as well as overshadowed by increasing dominance of modern performing arts, traditional performing arts are now really faced aggression by ‘other cultures’. Consequently, the livelihood of the indigenous artists are also under serious threat. Most of these artists have no alternate income source/s and have become extremely poor and marginalised. As traditional performing arts have its deep root in the rural communities and still popular among the rural masses in Bangladesh, immediate measures required to be undertaken for revitalising and rejuvenating the traditional performing arts that will also improve the livelihood of the artists.

    These can be done by extensive use of traditional performing arts both for entertainment and national development purposes. The proposed project has been designed towards achieving these objectives.

    Objectives: Successful implementation of the project expected to achieve the following objectives: i. Present status of traditional performing arts and artists are documented; ii. Traditional performing arts that are being forgotten and going out of sight are documented in the forms of manuscripts, audio and video CDs; iii. Traditional performing arts as identified and documented are popularised and disseminated both for entertainment and development purposes; and iv. Livelihoods of the artists are improved through documentation, popularisation, dissemination and organising shows, exhibition etc. both for entertainment and national development purposes.

    Human development as defined above refers to the individual human being, who is both the ultimate objective of development and one of the most important instruments or means to it. For an alert, skilled, educated, well-nourished, healthy, well-motivated labour force is the most productive asset of a society. People, however, are not self-contained atoms; they work together, co-operate, compete and interact in many ways. It is culture that connects them with one another and makes the development of the individual possible.

    Similarly, it is culture that defines how people relate to nature and their physical environment, to the earth and to the cosmos, and through which we express our attitudes to and beliefs in other forms of life, both animal and plant. It is in this sense that all forms of development, including human development, ultimately are determined by cultural factors. Indeed, from this point of view it is meaningless to talk of the “relation between culture and development” as if they were two separate concepts, since development and the economy are part of, or an aspect of, a people’s culture.

    Culture then is not a means to material progress: it is the end and aim of “development” seen as the flourishing of human existence in all its forms and as a whole. If, on the other hand, one rejects this all-embracing definition of culture and instead confines its meaning to “ways of living together”, and if by “development” one means “the widening of human opportunities and choices,” then an analysis of culture and development refers to a study of how different ways of living together affect the enlargement of human choices. It is for this reason that attempts to make culture a qualifier of development, as in the notion of “culturally sustainable” development, must be undertaken with great care. It should not be interpreted in such a way as to confine culture to the role of an instrument that “sustains” some other objective; nor should it be defined so as to exclude the possibility that the culture can grow and develop. It should not be given an excessively conservationist meaning. Unlike the physical environment, where we dare not improve on the best that nature provides, culture is the fountain of our progress and creativity. Once we shift our attention from the purely instrumental view of culture to awarding it a constructive, constitutive and creative role, we have to see development in terms that include cultural growth.

    Maung Aye Khen MaungMaung President & Chief Executive Adibashi Kolyan O Unnayan Sangstha(AKUS) House No–1/1, E-1 (4th Floor), Section-1, Block-C, Mirpur–1, Dhaka-1216, Bangladesh. Email: akusl952@gmail.com

  2. Selina Khan

    What can I say? There’s nothing left for us to say.

  3. Lalit Chakma

    Military of Bangladesh is proud of us but what they are doing in CHT is our shame. It is one kind of robbery of national resources. The military and their status turned into a private institution. They are working for individual interest not for the national.

  4. Shovon

    Wasfia Nazreen, thank you for a nice writing. But I have a question to you (or to anybody who would love to answer it) – what I found in most blog or in facebook, the majority of young people (or you can say students) are always talking nonsense against CHT and even in some blog some people reply in such way as if they are waiting for a GOVT job and if they get it, they will do everything against CHT people. And these sort of comments are liked by several others. If this is the scenario, then what will happened in next 20-30-50 yrs? Now tell me what will you do in this case?

  5. Michelle Mount

    She’s been climbing faraway hills only to find herself closer to the people in her own hills 🙂 This was an expert piece of journalism.

    I feel lucky to be one of the foreigners who got permission to trek through the Hill Tracks. I appreciated all the signboards (in English and Bengali) displaying huge pictures of the different tribes with facts about their populations and holidays. It’s such an interesting, rare and beautiful part of the country and culture. The government should protect them with the same vigour as they protect the Sundarbands – indigenous tribes are a national treasure.

  6. Dhiman Heerak

    The facts are not new. But I could never depict it more beautifully like you. Thanks for the writing. Definitely a good read. To tell the truth, we all know what the problem is, why it is happening and how to solve it. But we are doing nothing. At least those who have the power to solve it. CHT is a big bargain for Bangladesh army in their involvement in Bangladesh politics and power. Expecting something good out of them is a far cry. So it won’t be possible until the biggest power of Bangladesh, the ‘General People’ come forward.

  7. Russel Ahmed.

    True. True. True. “Say No to racism”. We don’t want to be the part of this racial country.

  8. Waliul Haque Khondker

    My good friend Wasfia has stood up again, like many times before, shoulder to shoulder (literally) with the oppressed multitudes, be it the Tibetans, The sex workers or the CHT people against their oppressors! My heartfelt congratulations to her. May she find the godspeed to pursue her momentous and often dangerous task for the betterment of the oppressed and the marginalised people in and outside Bangladesh. Well done Wasfia, keep up the good work. I repeat my earlier slogan, ‘Go Wasfia, go’.
    I, nevertheless, shudder at the thought that, if the ‘Peace makers’ regime of today has to endure such manifest brutalities against the CHT people! What then is in their store for the regimes who are opposed to the ‘Peace Treaty’!

  9. Ahmed

    You forgot to mention one important thing: 3 Bengali settlers were killed. Yes, I know, you mentioned it very briefly in passing, however, the way you put it it was the Bengalis killing burning the innocent peace-loving indigenous peoples. You even show a picture of a bloodied indigenous woman! However, the 3 Bengalis killed get no mention and no photo. Nice propaganda work!

    • afsan chowdhury

      I am glad you raised this point about death of settlers because most HR narratives are impassioned but not objective. Wasfia has brought a great deal of attention to the victims but not to the problem which isn’t her objective either. Most HR activists demonize one side and simplify the problem particularly in case of teh CHT. It’s a lopsided view but that’s how it gets reported because the victims always get more attention and not those who victimise particularly with state support. Look at 1971 history. We only talk of Bengali killings but never mention our own atrocities.

      The settlers are victims of poverty and lived a life before going to the CHT in great distress in extreme areas. That is why they were transported down there so that they would be desperate enough to do what they have.

      The army used them on behalf of the state and continue to do so. The state army supports the settlers but despises them and most middle class people hate them. The only people who support them are ultra nationalists. It will not solve anyone’s problems and will remain a festering sore.

      As I read Wasfia’s post, I also realised that in 36 years of the problem, I haven’t seen many balanced pieces which try to locate the problem beyond the emotional and activist space from either side. It’s a sort of a BNP-AL situation everywhere.

      I have come to believe that the Bengali mind is probably not capable of critical thinking or finds it too problematic.

      It’s always about the victim or the perpetrator on either side, rarely about the politics that produces such terrible problems.

      • wasfia

        Hi Afsan bhai,
        I beg to differ – that the Bengali mind, like all other human minds – is fully capable of critical thinking and realising our full potential 🙂

    • wasfia

      Dear Ahmed,

      First and foremost, I wish for the safe passage of the three Bangalis (and the one indigenous) and all the innumerable ones who lost lives in the past as part of this ongoing problem. I sincerely hope they rebirth into a conflict-free world. And I hope they never become the subject to such hypocritical state-system in any lifetime.

      Perhaps in my sheer sadness, I was not able to express myself clearly. In my eyes, including one whole paragraph clarifying how ‘some’ settlers aren’t all villains was my mere attempt to portray a more human picture of the two sides.

      I included the ‘girl’s’ picture because she is not only a minor (hardly 13 years old) but also a quadruple minority.

      Impoverished Bangalis may look like the main disease but the main problem: omission on part of the state – omission to take ACTION against perpetration of attack and land grabbing is equivalent to a clear signal of impunity allowed to our authorities.

      The state has continued to commit to a certain set of circumstances by a combination of omission and commission, which makes such atrocities possible. Who are the state agencies? Who are behind them? How neutral are they? Of what ethnicity do they come from? These questions have all been asked many a times, but the strangeness of their answers remains grossly ignored.

      Our State has to become ethnically NEUTRAL. Moreover, civil officers, militaries, paramilitaries, behind their uniforms must have civil emotions, otherwise the dice is and will always be loaded against Paharis.

      I request you (and other readers) to kindly reflect on a few points:

      1. Whether or not it is crucial to identify who are the biggest victims as a matter of scale and who are the aggressors (and as Afsan bhai pointed out most importantly, WHY they have become so…). The Jummas are almost always attacked in their own settlements, while no one can testify that Bangalis in the CHT have been attacked in their own house, let alone being attacked on Eid day!

      If you can show me examples of Pahari aggression, after the 1997 peace accord was signed, I will of course stand corrected.

      2. Having said that, in this recent most clash, those deaths and casualties (be it Bangali OR indigenous) were a result of an attack perpetrated by the Bangalis. As much as I condemn the deaths, I am sorry to share the painful truth that the Bangalis brought the conflict upon themselves.

      3. The nature of the conflict has another character: communal vs male-driven. When you attack a community, the impact is felt by an entire setting: humans ranging from all ages, sexes become a subject. Thus making the scenario more vulnerable. Defending of property and land, competes for priority with things like having to provide protection to wives and children. Whereas, when the male Bangalis (almost always) take lead to attack, it is not about survival or having to provide protection to their dear ones — it’s a full on raged war.

      4. The security allowed the Bangalis from the recent attacks to have a procession of dead body in Manikchari bazaar. Such feats are an impossibility for the indigenous.

      There is a huge difference between symptoms and root problem: when we treat the high temp and not the actual wound, nature of the problem remains and has 1000 percent chances of taking birth into another. Like mushrooms, they will continue to re-appear as a constant testimony to the failure of the executive arm of the govt.

      • afsan chowdhury

        I am absolutely certain that the Bengali settlers are responsible for the bloodbath but my point was exactly that. In the scheme of things this is inevitable but what can be expected when people are put there by the state to do precisely that.

        My position is simple. The state always creates such scapegoats to carry out its will and I suppose the closest cousins of the settlers are the Biharis of Bangladesh in 1971. Just before the crackdown of the 25th night and later, the Biharis did what was done to them in some cases. They did all these because the Pakistan state also used them for carrying out its dirty deeds. And later dumped them and left leaving Biharis to face the wrath of a brutal revenge.

        The Bangladesh army if they have to leave will do the same. I really don’t think any force in any conflict are free to act but the CHT situation seems close to the Bangladesh situation in 1971.

        I once did a report on minorities in Bangladesh — CHT people and Ahmadiyas — which is has been published in a book somewhere. My search didn’t deliver any significant materials which look upon the situation without taking sides. In my opinion that lets the state off the hook. If you have any stuff that looks at both sides do let me know.

        I disagree with you that Bengalis are critical thinkers. Optimism and evidence are two different things. Your optimism is I am afraid naive. I have stood and cheered on December 16 1971 but have also seen the walk downwards since then.

        You are of course very different and hopefully shall, with your friends, establish the critical tradition in Bangladesh

    • Somnath GuhaRoy

      While a college student,I interacted with many Bangladeshi students in India.
      I noticed that most of them – especially the younger ones – were quite humanistic in their outlooks and on the question of ethnic and religious minorities in Bangladesh were egalitarian.
      However, a Bangladeshi army officer training with the Indian Army was quite different – ultra-nationalist, religious fanatic and dead-set against the CHT people and any concessions to the indigenous.
      I suppose values always come in sets and reinforce each other in the human mind.

  10. Russel Ahmed.

    Really, it’s so pathetic! We don’t hope to see repetition of similar incidents in future.

  11. abul

    A forthright article on this critical issue. Large scale govt. sponsored settlement of Bengalis in CHT was a wrong policy. The blunder committed by this policy is unfolding its ugly face now, and would continue to become more severe in the future.

    This is a political folly of our past leaders and dictators. When Chakma leader Manobendra Narayan Larma met Bangabondhu Sheikh Muzibar Rahman in 1972 he was told by Mujib: go back and become a Bengali (Troubled Perphery by Shubir Bhowmik). Later President Ziaur Rahman took an active initiative to settle Bengalis in CHT. Army withdrawal by phase and seizure of Bengali settlement should take immediate effect.

  12. Dhiman Khisa

    On behalf of the hill peoples of the CHTs, I would like to thank Wasfia Nazreen for such an important and valuable writing. CHTs is indeed replete with such heart rending tales of woe, suffering, despair, humiliation, distress and torture. It has left a trail of tears. Such brutal attacks become the order of the day and part of our lives. We are always subjected to brutal atrocities and most inhuman repressive measures. For generations we have lived here. We belong here. Our names are written on the land. And yet we have to leave this place in search of security and a new home. We bear a bad wound which knows no healing. There is no one to champion our cause. We do not know, ‘How long we have to suffer such brutalities ?’

  13. Shami Sattar

    This is disgusting and outrageous. This is not the Bangladesh I want to be part of.

  14. Rosaline Costa

    It is ridiculous to see such brutality under the eyes of the law enforcing agencies. Actually it will continue to happen until and unless the army is removed from the indigenous areas where they lived in peace and harmony for centuries before the Bengali settlers went and occupied their lands and homesteads. If anyone see the 1900 Chittagong Hill Tracts Act made by the British and which had been accepted by the then Pakistan but from 1964 Pakistan government began to evict the indigenous peoples in the name of national greater interest without considering the rehabilitation of the evicted victims, human rights continued violated. We all know that there are two major solutions to stop bloodshed in the CHT: (1) Distribute the lands to the original tribal owners who took refuge in India from 1964 onwards. (2) Remove army from the CHT and conflict, incidents of arson, killings, rape, burning of houses and any other clashes will be stopped because behind every incident, there is army involvement (either publicly known or secretly instigated).
    Therefore, the government, if really wants to resolve the problem there, the above two actions should be done, even if it has to be rigorously done, should be implemented.
    I had a recent visit to Khagrachari and I spoke to many Bengalis as well as indigenous people who said there is no conflict between them but the main problem is the army and the land. Army is helping to commit such incidents to prolong their stay there because it is a big benefit for the army to stay in the CHT. I wish our PM Shiekh Hasina could be strong enough to take those two steps by herself. But is she strong enough to do it?

  15. Kazi Rahman

    What happened in southern Bangladesh is absolutely disgusting. I strongly oppose this kind of racialy motivated attack. Government should step up before something worse than this happen again.

  16. afsan

    Wasfias’s piece, one of the most moving essays I have ever read reaches a level few journalists/human rights writers do. It is also an indictment of the state system that has evolved in Bangladesh. By writing on behalf of the marginalised, be it sex workers or the indigenous people, she has become a rare example of standing up for those who have no voice.

    We love our rights so much, but we are not willing to give it to others.

    Congratulations to bdnews24.com for carrying her piece.

  17. Somnath GuhaRoy

    Another case of marginalised people further marginalised and tortured for economic gains, after holding their religion and ethnicity against them – in collusion with authorities.

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