The government in the current fiscal year has given the opportunity to whiten “Black Money” with an option of paying the regular tax plus a 10% fine. Arguments are there that such opportunity will lure investment. But it will be very unfortunate if it let hoodlums go unchallenged with their blood money. As the budget is placed in June, black money becomes a hot topic across Bangladesh during the month of May-June. This year was no exception. A number of discussions and seminars took place that strategised ways to bring black money in the mainstream economy. Most of these discussions opined for allowing whitening of black money by paying regular tax plus a fine and the government gave a final nod to this demand.

The most lucrative job in Bangladesh is probably the job of a sales assistant at Titas Gas. Our manageable system allows a simple sales assistant to earn thousands of crores of taka money and favours him to become an industrialist. Readers might remember that during the last caretaker era, the joint taskforce commissioned to unearth corruption in the state owned Titas Gas discovered that 68 Titas staff owned property worth Tk 10,000 crores. One sales assistant topped the list by owning property worth Tk 2,100 crore. The much talked about sales assistant now owns industrial group consisting of 11 sister concerns. The next most lucrative job is probably the job of an APS to a minister. The former APS, believed to be mastermind of the railway-gate scandal, is aged 34 or 35, but owns a flat, a car and 18 acres of ancestral land. Besides, he runs a deposit pension scheme of one hundred thousand taka a month. Fortune smiled at him in every way and he is probably now sneering to those who reported against him and demanded a fair probe of railway-gate.

Now we have to wait to see whether the government will allow whitening of such black money made out of bribery or unlawful activities.  To justify government’s decision, the finance minister argued that the government did do so to stop money laundering, combat corruption and increase investment. We undoubtedly need more and more investment but it is our high expectation to the government that it will not encourage the above stated kind of people. Though there is no accurate figure, the amount of black money in Bangladesh economy, roughly estimated, ranges between 42-82% of GDP. It is a clear indication that Bangladesh is crippled with corruption — bribery, dacoit activity, fraudulent transactions in public and private entities and falsification of assets etc. Apart from these sources, a large amount of earned money remains untaxed, popularly known as undisclosed. The government, in this regard must draw a clear distinction between “black” and “undisclosed”, and that it must not under any circumstances will allow whitening of black money. There should be clear provisions that institutions like Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) can challenge such income, and if necessary, can bring them under trial. A blind eye to black money will only discourage the taxpayers. Regular tax plus a 10% fine for “undisclosed” but honest income may be alright but it is expected that it will not be continued once FY2012-13 is over. There are a large number of people who does not pay income tax even after being eligible. There is a strong need for regular campaign to encourage people to pay tax in due time. The government can further strengthen the National Board of Revenue by increasing its human resource; can take measures to enhance the capacity and can further ease the tax paying procedures. It is encouraging to see that the NBR has already taken some positive steps including online self-assessment of tax, e-payment, yearly tax fair etc.

As stated above our policymakers are expecting a dramatic change in the investment scenario. Let us take a look at the history. On June 1, a report in a local English daily quoted NBR statistics saying Tk 12,996 crore has been whitened since 1975. The state has earned a nominal Tk 1,368 crore as taxes. Besides, none took the opportunity to whiten black money through investment in the share market. A big hype was raised by capital market godfathers to allow black money in this sector which only contributed to further manipulation of the capital market. What is the use of allowing such provision once again when such little amount has been whitened over the last 37 years since 1975? The government is yet to take any firm action against the capital market manipulators who are believed to have earned thousands of crores of taka through market manipulation. It is widely believed that the investigation committee led by veteran economist Ibrahim Khaled identified market manipulators and recommended some specific measures. The country is yet to see the manipulators under trial and implementation of the recommendations. It is widely anticipated that nominal amount of black money will be whitened this time due to the harder whitening provision. Therefore, it would not be unjust to reach to the conclusion that those who are whitening black money are very few in numbers but certainly have strong influence over the policymaking process.

Something is very wrong with the existing democratic system — irrespective of political parties in power; it has favoured whitening of black money. Bangladesh Nationalist Party-led government allowed whitening of black money in 1991-1996 and 2001-2006. According to the then Chairman of the National Board of Revenue (NBR) Mr Khairuzzaman Chowdhury, a total of Tk 2,500 crore was whitened, by the end of third week of June 2006.  This time the black money holders had to pay a trivial 7.5% tax. Surprisingly when the finance minister placed the budget of FY 2012-13, the opposition leader came down heavily on the government for allowing black money in the upcoming budget. She alleged that this was done to help the newly formed banks. She added that if elected next time, her government will not give any such opportunity. Now a question can genuinely be raised that why did her government allow whitening of black money then. Even then, we believe from the bottom of our heart that things will change. The present government in its first year allowed whitening of black money. Although it was discontinued later, a second chance was offered in third year against investment in stock market. The effort in fact went in vain. The election manifesto of Bangladesh Awami League which claims itself as a “Charter of Change” says, “The rape of the democratic constitution, rehabilitation of war criminals and religious fanatics, criminalisation of politics and promotion of militancy, institutionalisation of corruption, and the sway of black money and muscle power overtook the post-Bangabandhu government”. So another nod to black money will only strengthen the sway of black money.

Although the last caretaker government earned sharp criticism for its many anti-democratic activities, it was them who for the first time in history of Bangladesh established “truth commission” and launched massive drive against black and laundered money. But with the change in power everything went in vain. The truth commission was abolished and well-known figures who often talk about good governance and transparency stood by their side in the courtroom. Ordinary people like us do not have any authority to challenge the policy of a democratically elected government. We can, however, only disagree with such policy that rejects the fundamentals of democratic system — transparency and good governance. We are hopeful the present government will call it a day for black money and the party or coalition which will run the country in future will do the same.

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Meer Ahsan Habib is a development activist.

Jubaer, Ananda and Emil all came from middle-class families. Ananda could have become a renowned economist but instead chose to be a party cadre. He lost his life leaving his family and friends in shock and grief. Jubaer could have become a literary critic or a teacher but this too, did not happen. Emil, once the leader of a cadre faction is now living a half dead life. All three belonged to the ruling party’s student wing at the Jahangirnagar University.

“What if I am next”, read a Facebook status of a student of Jahangirnagar University. She gave this status out of frustration and agony as she, along with other students and members of the JU community have just witnessed the murder of Jubaer, an English department student. Jubaer went to the campus to sit for his honours final year exam but he never knew that it would be the last day of his life. He was allegedly stabbed and severely beaten by members of a faction of the Bangladesh Chattra League activists. Later, a fatally wounded Jubaer died in the hospital.

Jubaer too was once actively involved in power politics but tried to flee from it when he came to realise that he would achieve nothing but a big zero in the end. His parents were probably happy to see their son becoming a student again. But it was too late for him as power politics eventually took its toll.

In July last year, a violent clash between BCL factions left around 50 students critically injured where several students were thrown down from the balcony of the Al Beruni hall. I still remember an appeal for help in the JU group mail – one of the victims was suffering from severe backbone injury but could not get proper treatment as his parents were not well off enough to bear the cost. The parent’s high expectations that their son would bring glory to the family and the country are now buried deep beneath their pain and frustration.

I can’t remember the month but it was back in 1997. I was then a student of JU and witnessed the murder of Ananda – a student of the Economics Department. Ananda was shot when a violent intra-party clash erupted between two factions of the then ruling party’s student wing. Ironically his killing gave his ‘politics mates’ an opportunity to control politics at JU. The group which shot him was ousted from the campus and Ananda’s group took control of it. This group was later blessed by the then administration and others associated with power. It was led by the notorious Manik who along with his party cadres committed every crime that a hooligan is capable of.

And what happened during the military junta and BNP era then? I don’t know much, but what I know is Kabir (JCD activists, murdered in 1989) and Dipu (JCD activist, murdered in 1993) were brutally murdered. Justice was denied in every single case.

Every time a murder takes place, some people or some group reap benefits from the blood spill. Parents send their sons not to become party cadres but to study. But a significant number of male students are forced to join power politics, forced to chant slogan for their leaders and do dirty jobs for them. Leaders pick some of them as cadres and fit them out with arms and drugs. But at the end of the day these potential youth meet their doom. Even if they come to the realisation that this politics will destroy them, it does not help. There is no way to escape; the system does not allow them to.

But is it only the power politics that is to blame? I would say “NO”. Don’t we understand “what is right” or “what is wrong”? Of course we do yet we try to reap benefit from all this even if it is a small opportunity. And what are those benefits other than “eating without paying” or enjoying the right to do “mugging”? Most of the students who were involved in power politics during our campus life are now struggling for a decent living. Power politics gave them nothing but frustration. And what about the parents? Are they so blind that they can’t see what their son is getting into? Dear parents, it is you who are the ultimate losers so don’t let your son to become his own guardian.

There might be a hue and cry to ban student politics. But blaming it is a wrong idea. Student politics does not necessarily mean BCL or JCD and Shibir. If we look back in recent history we will see a glorious contribution of student politics. It is the students and student politics that showed the courage to stand against the emergency of the last caretaker government. The same thing is happening at the Jagannath University. Unfortunately, the BCL has once again shown their true face – the ugly face of power politics loyal to party interest. They stood against the general students and other politically active people engaged in the movement to reduce fees.

When Ananda died, the JU campus saw Manik group protesting the killing. A case was filed and the JU administration formed a usual investigation committee. But the investigation report was never disclosed nor was the killers punished. With the blessings of the then administration, the Manik group succeeded in ousting their opponents from the campus. This Manik later became so powerful that he and the gang even dared to commit crimes like rape. Shockingly, this group received strong support from the administration when the general students stood against them in 1998.

Jubaer killers allegedly belong to the Shamim-Sharif faction while Jubaer once belonged to the Shafin-Sammo faction of the BCL JU unit. Shamim-Sharif faction is now demanding punishment of the killers. Shafin-Sammo is not sitting idle either. They have alleged that the JU administration in the past backed their opponent. It seems that both the groups are trying to use the Jubaer killing as an opportunity to establish absolute authority at JU.

We don’t want to see Jubaer killing used to favour any faction. All we want to see is the killers and their godfathers punished.

On behalf of the former students of Jahangirnagar University, we would like to appeal to the current and future students of JU to rise above such ugly self-interest to become a faction leader or cadre. The taste of power may appear sweet initially, but in the end it is always bitter, and there is no way to escape but pay the price.

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Meer Ahsan Habib is a development activist.