What next for Mahfuz Anam, media, military … ?

Afsan Chowdhury
Published : 27 Feb 2016, 11:50 AM
Updated : 27 Feb 2016, 11:50 AM

When Munni Shaha invited Gazi Nasiruddin Ahmed and a few others to chat with the Daily Star Editor Mahfuz Anam on her chat show, none thought that the entire political, media, military, and power relationship cabals in general would be sent into such turmoil.

The consequences have swiftly exposed the weakness of all the power stations and the intimate relationships among them. It has become as much a media event as a political one.

But the situation is still fluid and so the obvious question is, what happens next?

To the PM Sheikh Hasina, it's personal-political.

The PM has led the attack and asked for Mahfuz Anam's resignation, and clearly the feeling is personal in politics. It's difficult to understand why the PM would put an Editor, however illustrious, at the same level as the head of government through such public attacks?

What does Inu do for a living, who after praising Mahfuz Anam's candid confession, has taken to the warpath again?

One understands Joy's reaction – it's his mother after all – but the PM taking on the fight was a surprise.

If she thinks Mahfuz Anam is so powerful and deserves all the blame for the 1/11 takeover, why wait 7 years?

She can't have been waiting for this confession? This part is a mystery.

As the PM of Bangladesh, couldn't she just ask for the files from the DGFI and also ask the senior army officers what they had done and with whom?

It seems the Star Editor is getting all the credit for 1/11 takeover and trying to make it successful. Is that what it is?

Why him, leaving everyone alone, including the army which actually took over?

All the coup leaders served under her, including Moeen Uddin. So it is a question that deserves an answer.

The number of cases against Mahfuz Anam has crossed 50-60 and the defamation amount is closer to the national budget figure.

But many politicians, including in the AL and the BNP, were enthusiastic about the 1/11 changeover and as reported by the media then, known as the Reform Groups.

Out of favour for a while, they are back and may not like too much heat from memories. But they may be hoping to be protected by the same forces which were talking to them at that time.

After all, they may be useful even now.

However, they have been spared any punishment, and the PM probably feels they are not a threat in future. But the fact that no revenge was taken by the party does not mean naming and shaming won't happen.

And if a trial of Mahfuz Anam happens, as is being hinted by some, it will unearth many worms, including present ministers.

So how will that damage control be managed? Is mere loyalty enough?

Happy days of "Civil Society" are over too, at least for the moment.

It's not just Star and Prothom Alo, but CPD and the rest of the crowd who go by that name.

But Debapriya Bhattacharjee's (CPD) income tax files were being scrutinised even before Mahfuz Anam spoke.

So was something going on which had made the PM angry, with Mahfuz Anam providing the perfect explosive trigger as was again hinted at?

But while think-tanks are being put under pressure, the rich people's lobbies, many other Editors, all politicians, and such other superior citizens have gotten away – including the military.

Are they too rich, loyal, or powerful to be touched?

For them it's mostly a safe future.

The media as a whole is split into several factions.

Some are happy that Mahfuz Anam is in trouble.

Some are worried that it will make future collaborations with power groups, including the military, a bit difficult.

Some are wondering if a new set of pressures will build and if new censorship rules will be made.

And some are scrambling to display their loyalty to the powers that be in return for old or new goodies.

Pro-AL media and journalists are happy that a standard issue non-AL Editor is in trouble.

They would be happier if they also hadn't done during that period what Mahfuz Anam did, and are slightly worried that an investigation may bring up a few embarrassing facts.

They are ready to confess privately and express remorse and loyalty and hope for the best. They are hopeful, but they have enemies within their own camp who worry them more than any investigation.

In general, the free media space will expand in some areas, but the general scene will contract after the issue is over. There are too many non-media transactions in our media management.

But what about the military who took over in 1/11?

It seems the PM is not as unhappy with them as they are with Mahfuz Anam for some reason.

What she may resent is the support of her civilian players to the military to cause unhappiness and damage her career. She has nothing against the military; she has a lot against those who collaborate with the military.

It's civilian politicians' anger against civil society politicians, as she and her followers think.

But the shyness to discuss the military's role in civilian politics has been paused for the time being and the role of the DGFI and others, including the top brass, is openly talked about for the first time, four decades after 1972.

It's a bit surreal to hear who did what and how well-off they are, and so on about military citizens.

The "lajja" about the military's role/interference is gone.

For a military used to impunity, this certainly must be a new experience. But obviously, they don't feel threatened and they are not.

They know about the muscle power of all the other players, including media chieftains and their thread, which they will pull if needed.

They are as always safe and so is their future irrespective of the chattering class' angst or joy.

But Sheikh Hasina has to make sure that the business community is not dragged into this mire, as our politics is largely supported by the wealthy, if not driven.

They mustn't feel threatened.

The only institution set up by the Moeen-Fakhru combo which continued under the present government till 2010 is the Better Business Forum, so the symbolic continuity along with the army and the business class is assured.

They will not be touched, but Mahfuz Anam – who will also survive – should spend more time learning about Bangladesh and its media, politics, culture, and society beyond his residential area.

Making confessions of political–media acts, which sent the present PM to jail, and not expecting any backlash is the sign of an Editor out of touch with Bangladesh's reality.

This is one good example of why the civil society-type upper-class always looks, talks, and feels alienated from ordinary people.

Or even from those who do what he did and still walk free.